Firstly may I apologise to any of you that received a missive from me over the weekend it was supposed to be my latest newsletter, but it went disasterously wrong due to lack of know how from yours truly! My mentor Andy has been trying to return me to the straight and narrow today but unforunately for him its an uphill task! Anyway hopefully I will send a proper newsletter out in the next couple of days.
I thought it might be of interest if I reproduced some finding from Labour behind the label the social campaigners association regarding wages in third world countries it makes sober reading.
Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable
remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of
human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social
protection. - Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 23.3
Nadia
works in a factory supplying a well-known fashion brand in Morocco. She
earns the minimum wage of 70p per hour, and distributes her £31 weekly
earnings as follows: “First, I give some to my parents, who don’t work.
Next come my sisters [two of whom are studying]. Then I keep whatever
is left for myself.” At 35, Nadia still shares a 3-room house with nine
members of her family. She would have liked to be an Arabic teacher,
and would love to marry and have children of her own. But her
obligations to her family, coupled with her low wage, mean that these
aspirations will remain unfulfilled.
The wages I get are not
enough to cover the cost of food, house rent and medicine,” says Mohua,
a worker in a Bangladeshi factory supplying two supermarket fashion
giants. Her colleague Humayun agrees. “With my earnings it is difficult
to meet living costs.” Mohua and Humayun are amongst the better-paid
sewing machine operators in their factory, earning in the region of £16
per month. Yet this is still well below any credible estimate of a
living wage in Bangladesh, equivalent to just 5p an hour over the
80-hour week they regularly have to work.
Maria is a homeworker
in Bulgaria, sewing shoes for another well-known UK retailer. She earns
120 leva a month, yet to support her family of four, homeworking
organisations say she would need to earn 400 leva. Maria is paid piece
rate – a fixed amount per garment produced, rather than per hour. If
she wants to earn even the minimum wage, she has to work sixteen hours
a day; to earn more, the whole family, including her children, has to
help with the work. On top of this, Maria also has to cope with
irregular payments and with knowing that she is being paid less than
other homeworkers doing the same work in the nearby town. Maria sums up
her situation like this: “nothing is secure. Life is much harder than
it used to be. Instead of going forwards, we are going backwards”.
These
are everyday examples of life for the people who make our clothes, the
world over. Time and time again we see that poverty wages, long working
hours and bad working conditions are the rule, not the exception, no
matter which high street retailers we buy from. This is not news: the
fashion industry has been criticised for these problems for more than a
decade, with little change made and companies still unwilling to ensure
that workers earn a decent wage.
Yet in an industry worth
billions of pounds, they can afford to. Philip Green is the owner of
Topshop, Bhs, and a host of other high street brand names. Two years
ago, he claimed a £1.2 billion dividend, enough to double the salaries
of Cambodia’s entire garment workforce for 8 years.2 He paid
Kate Moss a reported £3 million pounds to put her name to a Topshop
line of clothing: a Mauritian worker in a factory that supplies Green’s
Arcadia group would have to work for almost 4,000 years to earn that
much.3
Coleen McLoughlin, fiancée of footballer Wayne Rooney, earned £1.5 million pounds as a spokesmodel for George at Asda,4
and it’s unlikely that she had to work 80-hour weeks like Bangladeshi
workers producing for George regularly do. Coleen’s £3000 Hermes Birkin
handbag5 costs more than a Bangladeshi garment worker would
earn in 16 years. The lowest-paid models at London Fashion Week will
pocket £125 for just one hour’s work,6 more than four months’ salary for a Vietnamese garment worker.7
Sir
Terry Leahy, Chief Executive of Tesco, was paid £4.6 million in salary
and share bonuses in 2007 - enough to pay the annual wages of more than
25,000 Bangladeshi garment workers who supply Tesco.8 With
his £2.3 million salary and bonuses in 2007, Stuart Rose, M&S'
Chief Executive, could have doubled the annual wages of nearly 12,000
garment workers in Sri Lanka.9
The contrast between young
women working at the bottom of the supply chain and the stars and chief
executives at the other could not be starker: the industry fails to pay
its poorest workers enough for them to cover their living costs or
afford basic needs such as supporting a family, while paying vast sums
to models and chief executives here in the UK.
When fashion
companies speak about this issue in public, normal behaviour is
complacency and misleading spin. If a brand makes a public commitment
to a living wage, it must take that seriously, rather than implying
that because it has endorsed the living wage standard, it is respected
in its supply chain.
Only a couple of fashion brands will admit
publicly that working conditions in their supply chains are
significantly below what is desirable; the vast majority continue to
hoodwink the public by telling them that everything is fine, and that
examples cited in the media and by campaigners are just glitches. What
makes this duplicity so breathtaking is that companies have ample
evidence that poor working conditions are systematic throughout their
supply chains: when people perpetuate the idea that most garment
workers' rights are respected, that living wages are paid, that workers
making their clothes have decent jobs, they are just plain wrong.
Either they have been misled, or they must be doing the misleading
themselves.
Part of the battle in researching Let’s Clean Up
Fashion has been persuading companies to admit this truth, a rhetorical
shift for which we have commended those that conceded. With a couple of
notable exceptions, those that do admit the problems have very little
to show on the issues we raise: they tend to agree that something must
be done on a sector-wide level, but then sit back and wait for it to
happen. Most disappointingly, some brands who have more recently
engaged with ethical trading, from whom we had hoped for significant
progress this year, seem not to have grasped the gulf between what most
companies do on labour rights and what needs to be done to have a
serious impact on working conditions.
Fashion brands have the
money and power to do the right thing by the people who enable them to
profit. How many more stories of exploitation will we have to hear
before the industry takes responsibility and cleans up?